Something to hoot about

ABQ’s Owl Cafe voted best diner in America, beating out 63 other establishments

BY KYLIE GARCIA / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 11, 2026

Photo by Kylie Garcia for the Journal

For Albuquerque resident Ronald Cox, the city’s one-and-only Owl Cafe feels like home.

“The staff in here all treat me like a part of the family. I enjoy that,” Cox said as he enjoyed a green chile cheeseburger — his go-to order — at the restaurant on Tuesday. Cox said he visits the establishment, situated off Interstate 40 at 800 Eubank NE, about four or five times a week.

So he wasn’t surprised after learning that Owl Cafe earned the title Monday of “America’s Best Diner” in a national competition hosted by an interactive online tournament platform called The64.

“I don’t get out of town much, so I can’t compare another diner, but they’re the best in town,” Cox said.

The64 — which hosts bracket-style competitive voting tournaments in categories spanning food, lifestyle, business, education and culture — launched the tournament seeking America’s best diner last month. The tournament began with 64 establishments across the country selected by the platform.

The64 selects businesses via pre-screening and using “specific criteria relevant to each tournament’s theme,” such as public nominations and achievements in their field, according to its website.

Over 18 days and six rounds, the public voted on which eateries moved forward. Albuquerque’s Owl Cafe landed on top, beating out diners across Minnesota, Rhode Island and California. Its final opponent was Mel’s Drive-In from West Hollywood, California; though, the business has nine locations across California and Tennessee.

“We’re excited,” said Corey Moulton, co-owner of Owl Cafe. “We were hoping to win one or two rounds, and then we saw people sharing it and reaching out to us and voting in the restaurant. It was great to see Albuquerque rally behind us.”

Moulton, a born-and-raised New Mexican, owns Owl Cafe with Matt Bernabe, also a native New Mexican. Bernabe’s Urban Hotdog also won a tournament hosted by The64 earlier this year for the nation’s best hot dog spot.

“It’s really cool. I wish I could take credit, but it’s really not about me at all,” Bernabe said, crediting Owl Cafe’s staff and the quality of Albuquerque’s food scene.

Bernabe and Moulton have extensive restaurant careers. Bernabe started Urban Hotdog Co. in 2012, and Moulton worked for Pappadeaux Seafood Kitchen for 15 years before the pair partnered to acquire Owl Cafe two years ago.

They bought the restaurant from its founder, who opened the cafe in 1989 as a franchise of Owl Bar in San Antonio, New Mexico, which opened roughly 40 years earlier.

“Me and Matt grew up eating at the Owl Cafe, so to be able to own an iconic spot in Albuquerque was something we couldn’t pass up,” Moulton said.

Besides the giant stucco owl that towers over the restaurant, its 1950s-themed dining room and its appearance on the hit television show “Breaking Bad,” Owl Cafe is known for its green chile cheeseburgers. The restaurant also offers an array of New Mexican dishes, such as huevos rancheros and enchiladas, and diner staples including meatloaf, roast beef and milkshakes.

This week’s national recognition has already benefited the restaurant, which Moulton said had “extremely busy” days on Monday and Tuesday. Customers had to wait for a table at 9:45 a.m. on Tuesday, which Moulton said isn’t normal for a Tuesday morning.

“Albuquerque has a fantastic culinary scene,” Moulton said. “We definitely think it should get a lot more recognition than it does across the nation, and for us to be able to bring a title back to New Mexico and shine some light on the amazing cuisine out here is exciting.”

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Cardiac health startup leaves ABQ for Denver

Karoo Health’s CEO cited challenges attracting workers to New Mexico

BY TILLY ROBINSON / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 11, 2026

A venture-backed cardiac health firm founded in Albuquerque is moving to Denver, citing challenges attracting its growing workforce to New Mexico.

Launched in 2021, Karoo Health partners with cardiology practices to connect their patients to wraparound services, including nutritionists and pharmacists employed by the startup.

Care is coordinated through Karoo’s online platform, which also aggregates patients’ data to flag health risks. If the firm’s services keep patients healthier and lower their costs of care, Karoo splits the savings with insurers and providers.

Karoo has been set on expansion in recent years — and co-founder and CEO Ian Koons says it’s outgrown its New Mexico roots.

“You can’t build a full-sized business here in terms of the talent,” Koons said. He said it was hard to convince young professionals to stay in Albuquerque, where concerns about crime and school quality could deter them from settling in.

Karoo has signed a three-year lease for offices in downtown Denver.

The firm’s 80 corporate employees are scattered across the country, with only four or five based in Albuquerque, where they work remotely. Koons hopes to bring about 80% of his workforce to the new Denver office.

Koons thinks it will be easier to persuade employees to move to Denver. There’s also “a talent density far superior in Denver that I can’t get here,” Koons said, enabling more local hires.

Meanwhile, Koons said economic development incentives have been heavily concentrated around the quantum computing industry in New Mexico, reducing the pool of funding and support available to health and biotechnology firms. He told the Denver Business Journal that Karoo did not seek relocation incentives from officials in Colorado.

Karoo has raised nearly $35 million in investments, Koons said, including $16.2 million secured in a Series A funding round led by two venture capital firms this summer.

The startup serves nearly 20,000 patients and works with 700 cardiology providers across 12 states, Koons said. It has partnerships with both national and regional insurers.

Managing the firm and its planned relocation have kept Koons busy. He estimates that he’s taken 75 flights so far this year, including 40 to Denver.

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State bets $ 20M on after-school programs to lift achievement

Three-quarters of students want an after-school program but don’t have access, advocates say

BY NATALIE ROBBINS / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 11, 2026

Instead of hanging out in the Sonic parking lot after class like most teenagers in Belen, Madison Mead, a senior at Belen High School, goes to MESA, or Mathematics, Engineering and Science Achievement, an after-school program for students interested in science and technology.

Mead, 17, said she’s seen the program grow from nine to more than 50 students in the past six years she’s been a part of it.

“We have a wide variety of kids — your typical jocks, band, ROTC — and it’s really amazing to see all the diversity and all the different backgrounds we come from,” she said.

Mead, who said she was inspired to pursue agricultural education by her after-school clubs, is one of almost 46,300 students in New Mexico who attend after-school programs — a number state leaders want to see grow.

This year, the New Mexico Legislature has allotted $20 million — its largest-ever investment — in after-school and summer programs in the hopes that it will help improve the state’s educational outcomes.

Advocates for the programs — which range from arts workshops to urban farming to science exploration — say the demand is high: Parents of three out of four New Mexico children say they would enroll in an after-school program, but do not have access to one.

At a roundtable at Explora Science Center and Children’s Museum of Albuquerque on Tuesday, Lt. Gov. Howie Morales credited his success in part to his fifth grade teacher, who gave up his Saturdays to coach his students in basketball.

“Student achievement doesn’t just come from the perspective of what happens in the classroom,” Morales, a former public school teacher in Grant County, said in an interview. “What we know is that what happens outside the classroom has much more impact on students’ lives.”

With Morales’ support, the state Legislature first allocated $10 million for after-school and summer programs in 2023. Budgets for fiscal years 2025 and 2026 each included a $15 million appropriation. Funds are distributed through the New Mexico Public Education Department, where program administrators can apply for grants.

“Because New Mexico is a leader in this area, what we’ve seen is that there have been more applications, more programs developed, more local buy-in with funds that are able to come through with matching dollars,” Morales said. Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, as one of her last acts for public education before her term ends at the end of the year, opted New Mexico into the Federal Scholarship Tax Credit program last week, which allows taxpayers to claim a federal income tax credit of up to $1,700 for any donation made to a nonprofit that grants the money to public or private schools.

Teachers unions have decried Lujan Grisham’s decision to join more than 30 states in participating in the Trump administration program, saying it will siphon money from the state’s already-struggling public schools toward private education, akin to the voucher programs of Arizona or Texas.

Supporters of the tax credit program say it could provide more funding for after-school programs.

“Initial discussion is that afterschool programming could be a beneficiary of that (program),” Morales said. “There’s still a whole lot of questions that I have about how that would actually play out.”

Andrew Trujillo, facilitator at Youth Agricultural Cooperative, a gardening and cooking after-school program for students ages 10 to 18 in Albuquerque’s International District, said his students have shown positive changes after participating in the program.

“We have a student who, during his freshman year, maybe sophomore, missed 100 days of school,” Trujillo said. “The other kids in the program … they just challenged him nonstop, in a positive team kind of manner, and ever since he has missed maybe two or three times a month. It’s not great, but a far step from where he was.”

Youth Agricultural Cooperative does not receive state funding and instead relies on grants and donations, Trujillo said. The students in the program, who all come from working families, work after school in the garden at Wilson Middle School.

“We provide spots for someone to go and have a safe, fun time with people their age,” Trujillo said. “That’s not very common in the International District, unfortunately.”

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Having a Monopoly

Albuquerque gets its own themed version of the iconic board game

BY ELIZABETH SECOR / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 11, 2026

Move over Park Place and Boardwalk — here come the University of New Mexico and the Sandia Peak Tramway.

The Albuquerque edition of the popular board game Monopoly was unveiled Tuesday, highlighting iconic spots from around the city.

Mayor Tim Keller and Rich Uncle Moneybags, commonly known as Mr. Monopoly, revealed the board, which features 26 Duke City properties, including the Frontier Restaurant, Route 66 and KiMo Theatre.

“It’s such a reflection of our city,” Keller said.

Keller also called it a memento for people who might have moved away.

“I can just see the treasure this is in other states in other homes as they get together and also remember where they came from,” Keller said.

He was excited to see what made the board, especially seeing the museums such as the New Mexico Museum of Natural History & Science and the Albuquerque Museum.

He said the game is a great mix of Albuquerque things, including film references, and New Mexico-themed Chance and Community Chest cards.

Landing on Chance might have players pulling cards reading, “You forgot who prefers red, green, or Christmas chile, pay each player 50 for messing up their orders,” or “Pesky desert winds cause wear and tear! Make general repairs on all your property.”

Shannon Rainosek, daughter of Frontier owner Larry Rainosek, said there is a Community Chest card relating to the restaurant — “Make your friends and family smile by treating them to green chile stew, homemade tortillas and sweets rolls at the Frontier Restaurant! Collect 100.”

The two highest-valued spots on the board are the University of New Mexico, replacing Boardwalk, and Sandia Peak Tramway, replacing Park Place.

Plans for the board were announced in January, and location nominations were accepted through April. Katie Hubbard, sales executive for Top Trumps USA, said there were thousands of nominations and not just from people in Albuquerque, but from around the state.

She said many charities were also submitted as candidates.

“The Albuquerque community really came in strong with the suggestions,” Hubbard said. “Especially with Adelante (Development Center), Locker 505 and Paws and Stripes.”

She said the places included on the game board all had that “community suggestion background.”

“We don’t want this to feel like this was made for you. We want this to feel like it was made by you,” Hubbard said. “So it was all places that were very supported by the community.”

Monopoly: Albuquerque Edition is available for sale in locations across the city, and is also available online on the Top Trumps website.

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“We Have No One”: How Trump’s Dismantling of the VA Left a Veterans Hospital in Crisis

by Eric Umansky, ProPublica, with data reporting by Joel Jacobs, ProPublica

November 11, 2026

John Falchetto was a survivor. In Vietnam, his river gunboat came under devastating rocket fire. He was the only one to make it out alive.

But this February, Falchetto, who had just turned 80, began to have piercing stomach pains. He was in distress for days. Finally, Falchetto went to the VA hospital in East Orange, New Jersey.

A CT scan of Falchetto’s abdomen suggested his appendix had not only burst, but that it was gangrenous. His gut was so filled with bacteria and pus that tissue was dying. Doctors wrote that he needed surgery immediately.

But that night, the hospital’s operating room was closed. Months earlier, the ventilation system had malfunctioned, and the repair team was short-staffed. So Falchetto lay there, his life in the balance, for seven hours.

This was not normal. But nothing had been normal at East Orange since President Donald Trump returned to office last year and set his sights on the VA.

The behemoth agency, which traces its roots to the Civil War, is both the country’s largest healthcare system and one of its most effective. It provides 9 million veterans what is essentially socialized medicine, often for free, under the cover of the American flag. The doctors, nurses and other staff are employed by the government.

Despite the occasional scandal and persistent short-staffing, studies have shown that the VA — where the doctors coordinate with one another and have deep expertise on veterans’ needs — has better outcomes than private care.

But in his second term, Trump has moved aggressively to upend this system, embracing a decades-long conservative campaign to effectively kneecap the VA’s government-run healthcare and shift veterans toward private doctors and hospitals.

Under Trump, the VA has increasingly acted like an insurer, paying doctors in the community for vets’ care. This, the reasoning went, would allow the government to cut thousands of needless bureaucrats while giving veterans more choices if the VA can’t provide the care.

“We love our veterans,” Trump said during an Oval Office photo op shortly after his inauguration. “We are going to take good care of them.”

Days after that pronouncement, a memo leaked showing the administration was considering sweeping job cuts at the agency. “Things need to change,” warned Doug Collins, Trump’s new VA secretary, in a video message to staff.

After pushback from vets groups and others, the administration retreated from its threat of mass layoffs. But it found another, less attention-getting way to shrink the VA.

If Trump’s appointees couldn’t lay off employees, they would make work conditions so untenable that staffers would leave on their own.

The administration canceled the contracts of the agency’s unions — citing national security concerns. They ordered remote staffers back to the office. Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency demanded employees report what they had accomplished each week. And the administration offered staffers early retirement packages and other incentives to quit.

Throughout it all, the VA’s leadership said front-line medical workers would be immune from any cuts. But amid the upheaval, many left anyway.

Six months after Trump entered the White House, the VA had 3,800 fewer doctors, nurses and other “mission critical” staff than it did at the start of his term, according to the department’s own data. While the losses made up a small percentage of overall employees, the drop compounded longstanding shortages — and contrasted sharply with a hiring spree under President Joe Biden that had begun to address them. Many of the front-line workers who quit in Trump’s early days have never been replaced. Instead, the VA has eliminated thousands of open positions, including doctors, nurses and other providers.

The administration has denied that it is hurting veterans’ care. “There’s actually an excitement about what’s going on,” said Collins, a former personal lawyer for Trump, in congressional testimony this spring. A spokesperson said the eliminated jobs for healthcare providers were simply “not needed.”

That is not what we have found. Over months of reporting, ProPublica has watched the East Orange VA Medical Center — a typical agency facility — spiral downward. The hospital and its affiliated facilities in New Jersey lost nearly a tenth of the staff they had when Trump took office.

Over the past two years, a VA watchdog report shows, the number of roles with “severe shortages” in East Orange has tripled, from around 30 to roughly 90. Among them: oncologists, radiologists, surgeons, cardiologists, anesthesiologists, critical care doctors, nurses, mechanics, cleaners — nearly every job that makes a hospital run.

“It’s scary,” one East Orange administrator said in a meeting this year. “We have no one.”

It’s not just there. According to the VA’s watchdog, nearly all VA hospitals — 97% — reported having severe shortages of doctors. (The agency argues that the report — titled in part, “Staffing Shortages” — is simply about shortages of candidates and not actual staffing.)

The exodus of healthcare providers has increasingly forced veterans into the private care program — called Community Care — that the Trump administration has pushed. Amid soaring caseloads there and what a government report describes as “insufficient staffing,” many vets have been facing interminable waits.

ProPublica and other outlets have previously detailed problems with particular areas of VA care under Trump, such as mental health. But our reporting suggests far more care for veterans is being put at risk.

At East Orange, the damage wrought by the administration’s approach has cut like a scythe across nearly every area of the hospital.

Wound care is harder to get, since the nurses who specialize in it have mostly gone. The standard tests for blood clots weren’t available for most of the year, because there were no technicians. Even radiation treatment was stopped for months, after one of the key specialists left.

“Care has gotten worse for the patients,” said one doctor. “The services available. The wait times. We’re not providing the care that we wish we could.”

Another doctor, who recently quit, recalled how vets coming in with chest pains couldn’t get cardiac tests for months. “It felt dangerous practicing in a place like that,” said the physician, who, like others, declined to be named for fear of retribution. “That’s something you don’t want on your conscience.”

VA employees across the country told ProPublica they are seeing remarkably similar issues at their hospitals.

In Albuquerque, New Mexico, short-staffing forced the hospital to take many of its beds offline and stopped it from operating on severe heart attacks. Surgeries — on lungs and spines — have also been suspended for months at the VA hospital near St. Petersburg, Florida. At both hospitals, government reports found, Trump’s touted private care program was also overwhelmed and understaffed, further fueling delays in care.

Surgeries and other critical care have also been delayed at the Minneapolis VA. A staffer there shared a friendly looking notice tacked to a bulletin board in May: “No SOD coverage” — meaning, no surgeon on duty — “until further notice.” Radiation treatment was also suspended there because one of the machine’s operators quit. A Minneapolis doctor recalled that meant having to put a vet with cancer-riddled bones on a rattling ambulance ride every day, rather than simply wheel him down the hall. The doctor said each bump on the winter roads caused the vet excruciating pain: “It was miserable.”

A longtime oncologist who works with VA hospitals around the country told me, “Care is collapsing from the inside.”

Starting in July, ProPublica repeatedly asked the VA about evidence we’d found that short-staffing is hurting veterans’ care. We asked to interview Collins and the leadership of East Orange. The VA did not make them available. Nor did it address the specifics ProPublica shared on care.

In a general statement, the VA said care has improved under Trump. “This Administration is solely focused on measuring VA’s success by how well it serves Veterans,” said agency spokesperson Quinn Slaven. He cited a record number of appointments for both direct and private care over roughly the past year. Slaven also noted that the private care program began under the first Trump administration and was also embraced by the Biden administration.

As for East Orange, Slaven said the facility is outperforming private hospitals on certain metrics, such as diabetes care and some cancer screenings. Slaven also said more appointments were completed in fiscal year 2025 — which ran from October 2024 through September last year — than in any year of the Biden administration.

Citing privacy law, the VA noted it could not address individual cases without a waiver from the patient or appropriate family member. While ProPublica spoke with veterans’ family members and loved ones, none chose to sign.

We did, however, also ask the VA about the general issues surrounding those cases — such as East Orange’s OR being closed — and the agency did not respond.

In speaking to us, family members expressed surprise about their loved ones’ care. Falchetto’s brother, Tony, knew his brother had appendicitis, but hadn’t known that the OR in East Orange was closed. “Oh my god,” Tony exclaimed when I told him that his brother didn’t get timely care.

This story is based on internal documents, emails, agency data, recordings and interviews with more than two dozen current and former VA staffers, along with veterans and their families.

Contrary to the administration’s rhetoric, what emerges is a portrait of an institution in trauma.

“It Felt Like Bullying”

As soon as Trump was reelected, healthcare providers and other staffers at East Orange could feel the barometric pressure plummeting and the storm arriving.

The incoming administration’s plans for federal employees had long been clear. “We want to put them in trauma,” said Russell Vought in 2023, before he became Trump’s chief of the Office of Management and Budget. “We want them to not want to go to work.”

Just days into the new administration, officials imposed a rigid return-to-office policy, even as many staffers — from schedulers to radiologists reading digital scans — had shifted to remote work in recent years. An internal agency watchdog later wrote that the edict caused a “system shock” at East Orange, whose outdated infrastructure and long-mothballed rooms couldn’t handle the influx.

“I love working with vets, and I’ve never wanted to work anywhere else,” said one medical provider at East Orange who rattled off a list of edicts. “You’re this little person, and the full weight of the federal government was on you. It felt like bullying. It was very, very stressful.”

That May, Collins appeared before Congress and promised that the administration would not cut care: “We’re going to maintain VA’s mission-essential jobs, like doctors, nurses, claims processors, while phasing out nonessential roles, like interior designers and other things — DEI.”

Two months later, the agency touted the loss of nearly 30,000 staffers. “VA is headed in the right direction,” Collins said in a statement announcing the losses. It was hard to know if the remaining staff agreed, since officials canceled the VA’s employee satisfaction survey.

Among the most essential staff at VA hospitals have long been the specialty doctors, with their years of extra training. Recognizing their importance — and their potential to earn far more in the private sector — bipartisan legislation, which Biden signed into law in January 2025, allowed the VA to pay top-notch doctors more than the standard government rate.

But under Trump, the department didn’t use that authority for more than a year — even as more and more specialty doctors were leaving.

So, amid the departmental tumult, East Orange’s doctors began to exit, and they often weren’t replaced.

Six months into the administration, East Orange was down five psychologists, two of its four general surgeons and 18 nurses, among others, according to data obtained through a public records request.

The departures weren’t limited to front-line providers. So-called support staff were leaving too. The effects could be just as devastating.

In East Orange, the medical physicist calibrated radiation machines. When he quit, the hospital had to suspend radiation treatment for months.

That left a veteran named Dennis in the lurch. The 72-year-old Vietnam vet had advanced colorectal cancer, which was causing rectal bleeding.

Dennis’ bleeding — and his pain — could be reduced with radiation. It might also give him more time. But suddenly, East Orange couldn’t provide the treatment.

In early August, Dennis’ case was transferred to the Community Care program, which reroutes vets to private providers.

Except East Orange’s Community Care office had also been losing staff and was overwhelmed with requests.

Weeks passed as Dennis waited, even as his doctors messaged at least five times that he needed to be seen, as one put it, “ASAP.”

He finally got an appointment for a consultation — the first step toward radiation — for Sept. 12. But Dennis never made it.

He died on Sept. 4.

Winter Comes to East Orange

A half dozen oncologists and surgeons told me that delaying treatment by more than a month and a half was problematic. At the least, they said, the delays almost certainly made his last weeks more painful. One told me he gives patients in Dennis’ condition radiation “within hours.” (ProPublica is withholding the veteran’s last name at the request of his family, which wants to maintain their privacy.)

Other veterans at East Orange faced the same dynamics: They were shunted to private care after their VA doctors and others left — and then they got stuck in the system since the office that handles private care — Community Care — was so overloaded. “That volume just keeps going up,” one administrator said at a meeting last November. The reason for the increased referrals to Community Care? She explained: “We just do not have the providers to provide the care.”

That winter the short-staffing and its effects spread across East Orange.

Staff were told via email that because of “urgent nurse staffing levels,” eight of the hospital’s roughly 60 general admission beds were being “taken out of service.”

“That was a big chunk of our beds,” said one of East Orange’s doctors. “I don’t recall ever having to close that many.” Without beds, the doctor explained, veterans often “stay in the emergency room, which is not ideal.” Indeed, studies have shown that leaving patients in the ER is dangerous and results in higher mortality rates.

A vet at one of East Orange’s campuses wrote to Trump complaining about short-staffing. He soon received a response signed by the president. “Every American owes our veterans an eternal debt of gratitude,” Trump said in the one-page letter, “and under my leadership, they will always have the loyalty, respect, and support they have earned and so dearly deserve.”

Around the same time, the hospital also had to shutter its operating room.

In December, part of the operating room’s air flow system had malfunctioned, contaminating the surgical instruments. Breakdowns like this weren’t unusual. East Orange was built 70 years ago, and its infrastructure showed it. But now the hospital mechanics who kept it all running were quitting. In interviews, they cited the same downward spiral that healthcare staffers did: As coworkers left, the staff who remained had to pick up the load, further increasing the strain of their jobs.

This put even more strain on a department that was already “severely understaffed” before Trump, said Irvin Webb, who worked as an air systems technician before he left the VA in May 2025. As a result of the departures, he said, repairs ended up taking longer. (Air conditioning equipment mechanic and air conditioning equipment operator were both among the many East Orange positions categorized as having severe shortages in this year’s VA survey.)

Medical staff felt the impact. One doctor calculated that the OR has been down nine times over the past year — compared with once the year before.

After the air flow malfunction in December, the OR was out of action for roughly three weeks. It then reopened for planned surgeries but remained closed for emergency and off-hours surgery for more than another month.

Then, on Feb. 12, Falchetto came to East Orange with a burst, gangrenous appendix.

He arrived in the early evening. Doctors noted that he had abdominal pain, vomiting and diarrhea, and described the results of Falchetto’s CT scan as “worrisome.” The doctors wrote that Falchetto needed surgery, but, as one physician noted, there was a “lack of OR capability.” And so, despite his life depending on quick intervention, Falchetto had to leave the hospital that was treating him.

At about midnight, East Orange arranged for Falchetto to be transferred to the VA hospital in Manhattan. It’s less than an hour away. But Falchetto ran into yet another problem: Instead of arranging an emergency transfer, the administrators scheduled him to be moved when the transport unit started its morning shift around 7.

Falchetto was finally taken to the Manhattan VA the morning of Feb. 13. About 12 hours had passed since he had arrived at East Orange’s emergency room.

The Manhattan surgeons operated on him immediately, noting “perforated appendicitis with gross fecal spillage.”

They also recognized something even more ominous: sepsis, a life-threatening reaction to infection.

Falchetto never recovered. Doctors documented “worsening septic shock.” He had a catastrophic heart attack a week later. With little brain activity, Falchetto was transferred to hospice.

He died on March 7.

“Imminent Risk to Patient Care”

It’s impossible to say for certain whether short-staffing caused Falchetto’s death. He was severely ill when he arrived at East Orange and may have died even if he got proper, timely treatment. But he didn’t get that.

“If I were the family, I’d sue everyone,” one of the doctors involved in Falchetto’s case told ProPublica. “He should have been operated on immediately.”

By last spring, managers at East Orange were sending increasingly dire alarms internally. One email in March — just a few days after Falchetto died — warned that the shortages were preventing proper care.

The crises began coming in quick succession, one more desperate than the next.

Both of the hospital’s orthopedic surgeons left. And wound care became a particular problem. The East Orange VA previously had three nurses who specialized in the area. By this spring, just one remained, according to East Orange staffers. She would have to commute dozens of miles between East Orange’s hospital and its satellite clinics and nursing home.

“I’m not going to have time for anything,” the nurse told colleagues in a meeting about the changes.

A few months later, a veteran arrived at East Orange with a diabetic ulcer — essentially an open wound — on his left foot. His records state that the wound “significantly increased in size” but that he hadn’t been seen by a wound care specialist amid shortages.

It was the VA’s nearby nursing home — which the agency calls a community living center — that raised the starkest alarm. A message to the staff on April 10 warned of an “extreme shortage of CLC nursing staff with an imminent risk to patient care.”

An administrator wrote in the message that the nursing home was taking emergency action to cut the number of veterans allowed at the facility from 192 to 180. Soon the cap was reduced again, to 170.

What that meant is that vets who qualified for spots would be mostly turned away.

Typically, the East Orange hospital could function as a kind of temporary overflow facility for the nursing home. And the nursing home could do the same for East Orange, taking some patients when the hospital was full.

But now neither could handle any more. On May 20, a notice went out to staff saying the hospital couldn’t accept patients from the nursing home that day.

What’s more, 17 veterans who needed admission were instead housed in the ER. Other hospitals also sometimes do that, but at East Orange the problematic practice went from rare to “far more common,” one doctor involved recalled. They were stuck there at least a day. “They’re in bed all day,” said the doctor. “It’s essentially a cot.”

“People Are Falling Through the Cracks”

The day after the ER pileup, Collins, the VA secretary, arrived on Capitol Hill to testify again. He bristled when he was asked about how staff cuts and eliminated positions were affecting care.

“There is nothing they cannot hire,” Collins told the lawmakers. If hospitals need a doctor, “they hire the doctor.”

Soon after, Collins quietly imposed staffing caps. What’s more, even when hospitals do have the authority to hire, the pall hanging over the agency now has impacted recruiting. As ProPublica reported last year, many doctors have turned down VA job offers amid the ongoing turmoil. Nearly 4 in 10 of the roughly 2,000 doctors offered jobs from January through March last year rejected them. That is quadruple the rate of doctors rejecting offers during the same time period in 2024.

At the time of Collins’ testimony, the VA had around 5,100 fewer doctors, nurses and other “mission critical” staff than it did at the start of the Trump administration, a 3.4% drop. Under Biden, by contrast, the VA had been staffing up.

At East Orange, staffers told me the hospital had no vascular techs for most of this year, meaning there was no one to run tests on arteries and veins. And on the oncology ward, internal records show the team assigned to help patients navigate their treatment was down to just one nurse.

The providers who have stayed have been overwhelmed by vets’ needs — a dynamic that employees say is playing out in VA hospitals across the country. “People are falling through the cracks, and now they’re not getting help,” said one primary care physician at a VA clinic in Missouri.

“I’ve been working from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m.,” she said. “I’ve had to take mental health breaks because I’ve been so stressed. I’ve been near suicidal. It’s not normal.”

Coins, Not Care

On a late August morning, a smattering of black SUVs and police cars pulled up to a VA campus near East Orange. Collins and a gaggle of aides stepped out of the caravan and went inside.

The VA secretary visited two departments. One was the chaplains’ unit, which, like so many units within East Orange these days, is “severely understaffed,” according to an internal presentation. (Collins is an ordained Baptist minister and once served as a Navy chaplain.)

The other was the residential PTSD unit. Staffers had arranged for Collins to meet with veterans, messages show. The event was not open to the media, but, according to staff and a vet who were there that day, Collins sped through the visit and did not stay long to speak with the vets.

On his way out, Collins stopped for a moment to talk to a veteran without legs in a wheelchair. After Collins strolled away, I asked the veteran what they discussed. “He just thanked me for my service and gave me one of these,” said Willie Johnson, showing me a commemorative coin that says, “Secretary of Veterans Affairs, Douglas A. Collins.”

I asked Johnson whether he had noticed changes in care since Trump returned to office. “Oh yes,” he said, noting that even food has gotten worse (among the positions with severe shortages at East Orange: food service worker).

The day after Collins’ visit, an email went out to staff. A “particularly meaningful part” of the visit, the email from a top administrator said, was the opportunity to recognize the service of five employees with Collins’ coin.

Among the recipients was the head of the maintenance department — the diminished unit that’s struggled to keep the operating room open.

Last week, as we were preparing to publish this story, a doctor at East Orange told me of a development: a backup generator had failed, and the OR was closed yet again.

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Trump administration launches investigation into APS, Santa Fe Public Schools over gender transition policies

Announcement comes after a federal lawsuit against APS over the same rules

BY NATALIE ROBBINS / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 10, 2026

The Trump administration announced Monday it had launched an investigation into Albuquerque and Santa Fe public schools over policies that allow students to keep their gender transitions from their parents.

The probe into the New Mexico districts is among at least 222 U.S. Department of Education investigations into similar policies nationwide as of late October, according to Education Week.

Both Albuquerque Public Schools and Santa Fe Public Schools have come under fire in recent months for rules permitting students to socially transition by using a different name and set of pronouns in class without notifying their parents or guardians. Advocates say the rules protect students who may have unsafe home environments.

The Department of Education said it would investigate whether the districts had violated two federal laws, the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, or FERPA, or the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendment, or PPRA.

FERPA allows parents the right to review student records, and PPRA bars schools from compelling students to participate in surveys on sexual topics, mental health, religion or political affiliation without parental consent.

“APS policies and procedures adhere to FERPA guidelines. We have been notified of the investigation and will respond through the appropriate channels,” district spokesperson Martin Salazar said in a statement.

In September, a social worker at Atrisco Heritage Academy High School filed a federal lawsuit against APS over its social transition policy, alleging the rules were a violation of federal privacy laws. The social worker, Jeanette Martinez, is represented by the Center for American Liberty, a conservative nonprofit based in Alexandria, Virginia, that litigates for right-wing causes. An ED news release announcing the investigation contained a link to a Fox News article about the case.

In Santa Fe last month, about a dozen people spoke at an SFPS board meeting, expressing their disapproval over a series of policies concerning student gender and sexual education, the Santa Fe New Mexican reported.

SFPS spokesperson Tara Melton said in a statement the district had not been contacted by the ED about the investigation as of Monday afternoon, but said officials will “respond appropriately and cooperate with the process” should they receive an official inquiry.

“Santa Fe Public Schools remains committed to providing a safe, welcoming and respectful learning environment where every student feels valued and supported,” Melton said, noting that an official change to a student’s name or gender marker in the district’s database requires parental consent.

“We remain committed to following applicable state and federal laws while fostering strong partnerships between our schools and families. Our focus continues to be on what matters most: supporting our students, partnering with families and creating schools where every child can learn, grow and thrive,” Melton said.

Also named in the news release for their policies on gender are two Pennsylvania districts, Pennsbury and Pine-Richland. ED officials said the agency would partner with the U.S. Department of Justice to take “enforcement action” against Pine-Richland over its alleged FERPA and PPRA violations.

“The Trump Administration has made upholding parental rights and transparency in the classroom a key part of our education agenda – and we will continue to do so,” U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon said in a statement. “Policies designed to conceal or hide the most sensitive information about a child’s well-being not only violate federal law but also educators’ moral obligation to let parents be the first decision-makers in their child’s lives. We will vigorously investigate these allegations and hold districts accountable to bring parents out of the dark.”

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Major player in DWI scheme makes appearance 18 months after guilty plea

Ricardo ‘Rick’ Mendez worked with attorneys to bribe law enforcement to let cases get dismissed

BY COLLEEN HEILD AND MATTHEW REISEN / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITERS

November 10, 2026

Whether intentional or not, it was an imposing display.

A phalanx of men — dressed in all-black suits with face masks and sunglasses exited a van and walked into the federal courthouse in Downtown Albuquerque on Monday morning. Leading the group was Ricardo “Rick” Mendez, the organizer of a decades-long racketeering scheme involving multiple law enforcement officers taking bribes to let DWI suspects off the hook.

It was one of the 55-year-old’s first public appearances in U.S. District Court since pleading guilty in one of the state’s largest public corruption cases, ensnaring prominent attorneys and dozens of law enforcement personnel.

Mendez, who worked for years in the office of Albuquerque attorney Thomas Clear III, was a friend to many officers with the Albuquerque Police Department and New Mexico State Police, as well as Bernalillo County Sheriff’s Office deputies, before he pleaded guilty to a slate of federal charges in early 2025.

With his long salt-and-pepper hair tied in a bun, Mendez stayed mum as he exited the brief hearing where a federal judge set a May sentencing date for him. Having sent one of his entourage ahead to pull the van to the curb, Mendez and his masked companions looked straight ahead as reporters asked them numerous questions outside the courthouse. His attorney Wayne Baker initially declined to comment but eventually told reporters his client “has remorse, obviously.” Baker said Mendez was also “anxious” about the possibility of facing prison time, having past experience in the justice system. During the hearing, U.S. District Judge David Urias expressed his frustration at the pace of the prosecution, which was triggered by complaints to the FBI in 2023 from DWI suspects who said they were propositioned or extorted by Mendez, and sometimes by the police officers who arrested them. Mendez promised he would make their cases “go away,” and usually did just that if they paid up, court records show.

To enable the scheme, DWI officers failed to appear for hearings or file the proper paperwork, providing Clear with the legal grounds to seek a dismissal of the charges. Sometimes charges weren’t filed at all.

“We do need to move this case forward,” Urias told Mendez’s attorney, Baker, and two federal prosecutors who have overseen the three years of investigation into the covert scheme that enriched police officers, deputies, Mendez, Clear and others while DWI suspects went free — for a price. Some officers received gifts or free legal services.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Shana B. Long told the judge the process of turning over discovery gleaned through the FBI investigation has been time-consuming and unusual, adding, “We’re trying to expedite this.”

She said that some specific discovery has been provided to individual defendants as it pertained to them. But in Mendez’s cases, “almost all discovery was applicable,” she said, “We investigated hundreds of cases.”

Earlier on Monday, a key defendant, former Albuquerque officer Honorio Alba Jr., learned he will be sentenced in April 2027. Alba had been previously honored as “Officer of the Year,” by Mothers Against Drunk Drivering.

Alba’s attorney, Nicole Moss, told the judge, “This is probably the most voluminous discovery I’ve had to date in my career. There are millions of pages.” She said a statement of facts in Alba’s case, prepared by the government, was “40 pages long.”

Both Mendez and Alba were originally set to be sentenced in the spring of 2025 but that never happened.

Since early 2025, according to the court’s online website, the two lead criminal assistant U.S. attorneys handling the case have been assigned to also defend civil habeas corpus petitions filed by noncitizen detainees swept up in the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

The prosecutors, Long and Katherine Lewis, declined to comment Monday.

In late August, the prosecutors turned over applicable discovery for all 13 individuals awaiting sentencing, including nine former Albuquerque police officers.

It wasn’t clear on Monday whether the FBI investigation is continuing, but a former BCSO deputy was charged just last week with participating in the scheme from 2018 to 2024.

Several questions remained unanswered as of Monday, such as how much money flowed into the enterprise in total; what senior, often high-ranking officers or others were also involved and remain uncharged; and what phase the prosecution is entering.

Mendez was among the first defendants charged, in January 2025, and pleaded guilty the same day in U.S. Magistrate Court in Albuquerque with no prior publicized online announcement of a plea hearing.

According to his plea agreement, Mendez relied on more senior APD officers to help recruit the next generation of officers, and that allowed the recruits to feel more comfortable participating. He would call officers to discuss whether a potential DWI client had the money to pay, and would coordinate scheduling of the hearings related to an offender’s possible driver’s license revocation.

He said his participation in what prosecutors call the DWI Enterprise began in 2008, in which he engaged in a pattern of racketeering activity that included multiple acts of bribery and interference with commerce by extortion.

The purpose was to generate and protect profits for enterprise members, and help develop a system to increase referrals to Clear’s law firm, which allowed the enterprise to grow in size.

Because of his “recognition and affirmative acceptance of personal responsibility,” prosecutors are recommending Mendez get a reduced sentence, but no sentencing range was given Monday.

Meanwhile, former Albuquerque police Sgt. Lucas Perez, who pleaded guilty in May 2025 to participating in the scheme, failed to appear for his status conference hearing before Urias on Monday. His attorneys also did not appear.

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Town of Bernalillo victim of cyberattack

No data has been compromised ‘to this point;’ government services remain operational, acting town spokesperson says

By Gregory R.C. Hasman for the Albuquerque Journal

October 15, 2026

A cyberattack hit the town of Bernalillo last week, making most of its online services inaccessible and forcing the motor vehicle division to close.

Acting town spokesperson Augusta Meyers also said people who normally pay their bills online will have to do so in person or on the phone.

Meyers added, however, that “no data has been compromised to this point.”

The town reported the incident about 5:15 a.m. Oct. 9, Meyers said.

“When our town IT director first discovered there was a problem, we thought it was a straight internet outage,” Mayor Jack Torres said in a statement. “Upon closer inspection, we realized it was a full-blown cyberattack and that we had to take quick action to curtail and disable any further damage.”

The town has reached out to law enforcement, including the FBI, but Meyers said the FBI has not yet responded.

Bernalillo officials are working with the New Mexico Office of Cybersecurity and third-party cybersecurity experts and have implemented “a full-blown incident response plan to assist with restoring services and data as quickly and safely as possible,” Torres said.

While online services remain down, residents can go to the town’s administrative offices at 829 Camino del Pueblo between 8 a.m. and 4:30 p.m., or call 505-771-7120 or 505-771-7122 to pay their bills, according to the town.

“Late payment fees will be waived and no services will be disconnected during the recovery,” Meyers said.

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Eldora Chocolate: New owner, same delicious business goals

Shop set to expand its offerings originating from Hawaii

BY KYLIE GARCIA / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 8, 2026

Daeus Bencomo, a New Mexico native now living in Hawaii, was devastated when his chocolate production and storage facility in Hilo caught fire in May.

“We had about almost 13,000 pounds’ worth of (cacao) beans that burned up … and then a 1,600-squarefoot production space similar to this one,” Bencomo said, sitting outside Eldora Chocolate, a small shop in Albuquerque, on Wednesday. “We lost everything.”

A few months later, Bencomo was scrolling Instagram when he came across an early September post from Eldora Chocolate announcing the business would close in October. Steve Prickett, the shop’s founder, said he wanted to retire after eight years of making and selling fine chocolate using cacao beans from across the world.

Bencomo said his “heart dropped” when he saw the post. Bencomo is a partner in a Hawaii business called Lavaloha Chocolate, which has its own cacao tree farm and has collaborated with Eldora for at least five years.

The partnership included Lavaloha supplying beans to Eldora, making chocolate for each other and testing each other’s recipes, Bencomo said.

Eldora has also been a must-see pit stop for Bencomo and his wife and daughter when they visit family in New Mexico.

All of this got Bencomo thinking. By September, he had been saving to rebuild his Hawaii production facility. But why not put that money toward an existing operation instead? He called Prickett, made an offer, and by November, Bencomo and his Lavaloha partners owned Eldora.

“The magic of Eldora is amazing,” Bencomo said. “Every time I come here, I bring the family here. So it’s held a pretty special place in my heart for the past few years, and I’m really happy to be a part of it.”

Prickett shared Bencomo’s excitement.

“Having Daeus come in — this has been a dream come true,” Prickett said. “He’s the perfect owner to take the Eldora name … and take it to the next level.”

Prickett launched Eldora with his wife, Andrea, in 2018, after a lengthy career with Merrill Lynch. He’d been a dark chocolate fan all his life, but a trip to Hawaii sparked the idea to run a chocolate business. The pair took a chocolate-making tour, inspiring Prickett to purchase equipment and learn the process from home.

The Pricketts purchased a lot at 8114 Edith NE and built the chocolate shop from scratch. It is now one of only two chocolate shops in the state that turns beans into chocolate on site. The shop is also known for using only fine ingredients and no artificial colors, flavors or preservatives.

“Our goal was to make the very best chocolate and also to put New Mexico on the map in terms of fine chocolate,” Prickett said.

Prickett considers the mission accomplished, as Eldora has built a loyal customer base across the world. The shop has also earned several accolades, including a gold medal from the International Chocolate Awards.

Now, after a couple of years of appeals from his wife, Prickett is ready to hang up his apron in exchange for more time traveling. Prickett began searching for potential buyers for Eldora last year but didn’t connect with anyone he felt comfortable passing the business to.

“Some ownership changes can be really bad because maybe the other person has a different direction or they want to cut costs,” Prickett said. “But I just don’t have any of that feeling at all with Daeus. He has a good heart.”

Prickett has spent the last few weeks transitioning the business and showing Bencomo the ropes. The team that worked under Prickett will stay in place, and Bencomo said he’s hired two people and anticipates hiring at least a couple more in the coming months.

Maintaining Eldora’s core identity, values and name is a priority for Bencomo, but some new additions are in the works.

In the coming weeks, the business will start to showcase more Hawaii-based products, made not just from Lavaloha’s beans but from cacao beans across Hawaii. Prickett noted the shop will continue to offer several different origins. With Lavaloha’s farm, Eldora can now upgrade its title as a bean-to-bar shop to a tree-tobar shop, Prickett said.

The shop will continue to offer educational tours, which people pay for, but Bencomo is brainstorming how to implement free educational programming to local schools. He is also pondering outdoor site improvements, such as a pond, a grass area, a gazebo and upgraded seating.

The transition has gone smoothly, Prickett and Bencomo said. But the new owner said he’s asking the Albuquerque community to give the Eldora team grace during the busy holiday season, during which Bencomo will return to Hawaii in December.

Bencomo plans to travel back and forth between Hawaii and New Mexico throughout the year. But he said purchasing property and establishing deeper roots in the Land of Enchantment is not entirely out of the question.

Bencomo was born and raised in Valencia County. He left the state at 17 to join the military, a pursuit that eventually led him to Hawaii, where he met his wife and welcomed their daughter, now 4 years old.

Reconnecting with the place where he grew up was part of the draw of Eldora, Bencomo said, adding it’s been neat to come back and be a part of a venture he’s passionate about.

“I want Eldora to be a community- facing brand,” he said. “I want people to feel safe and happy coming here. That’s the goal.”

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Immigrant rights groups accuse NM law enforcement of assisting ICE

Groups said informal collaboration was ongoing despite state laws seeking to limit it

BY MATTHEW REISEN / ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL STAFF WRITER

November 8, 2026

Immigration attorneys and advocacy groups raised the alarm in a legislative hearing Friday that local law enforcement agencies are assisting Immigration and Customs Enforcement despite state laws intended to limit such cooperation.

Since 2005, the state Legislature has passed laws to restrict formal agreements and law enforcement cooperation with immigration enforcement agents.

But during Friday’s meeting of the Courts, Corrections and Justice Committee, several examples were given of law enforcement personnel routing detainees to ICE agents after traffic stops and routine encounters.

Those examples included a Sandoval County deputy meeting ICE agents in a store parking lot to hand over a man the deputy had just pulled over, and another man released after a DWI charge who found ICE agents waiting for him. Teague González, executive director of the New Mexico Immigrant Law Center, told lawmakers the agents “just happened to know the moment that he was walking out of the courthouse,” suggesting they had help from local law enforcement.

Advocates shared emails obtained through public records requests that appeared to show county officials — including the Eddy County warden — notifying federal agents when suspected noncitizens were booked and when they would be released.

“What do these all have in common?” González asked. “This, in each case, was a choice that someone made county by county, and there is no written policy prohibiting it.”

She said the groups presenting to the committee were grateful for the Immigrant Safety Act (House Bill 9) — particularly that it barred formal agreements allowing ICE to deputize local law enforcement. But it didn’t go far enough to bar “informal” cooperation, she said.

“It does not bar local city or county police in any city or county in New Mexico from informally calling ICE,” González said. “And I think that while HB 9 closed the paperwork pathway, not one of these handoffs that we described to you today needed paperwork.”

She said there needs to be one statewide rule that encompasses every jurisdiction, adding, “One county walks a man to a parking lot and hands him over. The next county doesn’t. A patchwork cannot be reconciled county by county.”

Billy Massingill, Eddy County Detention Center warden, told the Journal he has been notifying the Department of Homeland Security of suspected noncitizens booked into the jail since he came on board in 2012 — regardless of who is president.

He said the “only law” against collaboration is the one restricting counties from going into a 287(g) contract with immigration enforcement. Massingill added, “But nothing that I know of says that you can’t converse.”

Since President Donald Trump returned to office in 2025, Massingill began tracking the number and said at least 202 people have been handed over to immigration authorities from Eddy County since February 2025.

“We would let them know, ‘Hey, this guy’s getting out. … And if you want this individual, you got to be at the facility when they’re released,’” Massingill said. He emphasized that they do not house immigration detainees and, if the agents don’t show up when the person is released, they will not hold them.

Massingill said there have also been hundreds of instances in which they notified DHS of a suspected noncitizen but were mistaken — “either they were U.S. citizens or they had green cards or work visas or whatever.” He added that Eddy County has no plans to change the practice.

“I just think that our county is willing to work with the government the best we can. Obviously, within reason and our state laws,” Massingill said.

Collaboration

González said that of the more than 500 detainees attorneys have spoken with, at least 232 reported entering ICE custody “through transfer from local law enforcement” in arrests made since January 2025.

“Almost everyone that we meet inside the detention centers has lived here for years. They have jobs, families, children, often U.S. citizen children. They are people who own homes, have built businesses, and pay taxes here,” she said. Many have applied for citizenship status and “have done everything right,” she added.

The tactics are not the only thing that has changed, the groups said. Since the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown began, both the number of people detained and the speed of deportations have surged.

Gabriela Ibañez Guzmán, staff attorney with Somos un Pueblo Unido, testified that immigration arrests increased from 20 in July 2024 to 700 in July this year across New Mexico. She added that despite laws and policies limiting cooperation, “our state still has one of the highest arrest rates in the country.”

The Journal found that, even in jurisdictions with strengthened policies, like Albuquerque, ICE agents are scouring public jail rosters to find noncitizens. In those cases, the noncitizens had been booked on both low-level and serious offenses, from concealing their identity and DWI to drug trafficking and child abuse.

The groups said that on any given day, 1,500 people are being held on immigration cases in New Mexico. Some are transferred here from out of state due to the number of empty beds in facilities in Cibola, Otero and Torrance counties. Now, many are being transferred to Camp East Montana in El Paso, they said.

González described conditions inside the detention centers as “abhorrent,” with a “huge spike” in detainees needing emergency care, including a man with an untreated abscess in his mouth, a person with facial paralysis after a stroke and another with vision loss due to an untreated eye condition.

She said attorneys are often unable to see their clients or the visits are cut short, while removals to third countries — where detainees are not originally from — “follow no discernible process.”

González said the current environment has them on the defensive, launching a program to teach families how to navigate the system, and advising parents to have a plan for their child’s care should they be detained.

Guzmán said to drill down on cooperation with immigration agents, both formal and informal, they have requested records of communications from counties statewide. While dozens of jurisdictions have not responded or provided records, at least 10 “showed some level of communication or collaboration” with immigration enforcement.

The records showed “nearly daily communications” between ICE officials and employees of Lea and Eddy counties in southeastern New Mexico, she said.

For example, in November 2024, Lea County sent ICE a daily list “of foreign- born individuals who are brought to the Lea County Detention Center, regardless of reason for their arrest.” In Eddy County, detention center staff spoke with ICE almost daily to notify them of booked noncitizens, including at least one for an unpaid traffic ticket.

In multiple attached emails sent in September 2025, Massingill, the Eddy County warden, notified immigration enforcement when jail staff told him suspected noncitizens were booked, saying they only spoke Spanish or were born in Mexico. In one such email chain, an agent responded to Massingill, saying, “Someone will be en route shortly Sir. Thanks for the heads up.”

Guzmán said “a clear statewide policy” was needed to lay out rules for working with immigration officials and to ensure local law enforcement collaborating in federal immigration enforcement “could face liability under both the U.S. Constitution, New Mexico’s Constitution, and a number of our state laws.”

Legislation

Sen. Antoinette Sedillo Lopez, D-Albuquerque, said “it’s really shocking and upsetting” when legislation that was passed is not followed, particularly by law enforcement. She said it was important to seal the “gap” allowing county employees to volunteer information on bookings to ICE, calling the practice “despicable.”

“Reading these emails, it’s so upsetting to see this inhumane practice against our own people. I’m just very, very disappointed to see this,” Sedillo Lopez said.

Rep. Andrea Romero, D-Santa Fe, said she was concerned it would be hard to target informal assistance through phone calls or in-person meetings but hoped a renewed call for oversight, amid Democrats’ success in the midterms, could help address the issue.

“The fact that you have to prepare for your disappearance for any family member is just unheard of,” Romero said.

Rep. John Block, R-Alamogordo, asked if there was a draft of proposed legislation and questioned if it would prevent someone charged with a serious crime from being turned over to ICE.

He said he was thankful the Otero facility was open, calling HB 9 “the most ineffective piece of legislation ever passed in the history of time. … Thank you to the incompetence of this Legislature. I appreciate it.” Block said the facility was extremely clean, with a barber’s shop, kitchens serving halal and kosher food and “beautiful” murals of the Maldives.

“They literally have a phone line that has different phone numbers for the people being detained for them to access legal services, including from your organizations,” he said to the groups.

Block closed by saying, “Hopefully we can continue to deport criminal illegal aliens who are in this country. … I will continue to be a big supporter of that because our country needs to be safe.”

After Block’s statements, Rep. Marianna Anaya, D-Albuquerque, felt the need to address the advocacy groups and the families and children seated in the chambers.

“I’m really glad you’re here, first of all, and I also just want to apologize for my other colleague’s words earlier. … Because one, you or anybody else or your families, are not illegal. Nobody’s illegal. You should know that. Also, I don’t think you guys are aliens, right?” she said.

Applause broke out, and there was a call for order to return to the chamber.

Anaya, referring to the outcome of the election, added, “The majority of this country believes in compassion and justice, and absolutely stands with you. And I hope that you saw that on that map across the United States.”

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